THE PLAGUE of THE
PANTHER'S TEETH

Revisiting George Jackson's Analysis of Fascism

by Chairman Shaka Sankefa Zulu
New Afrikan Black Panther Path-P rison Chapter
2
The revolutionary nationalist must face i

everything we know today about the nature of fascism and its real role i
madem day capitalist economics. Monopoly capitalism and its fleutonant
‘sector, along with the bourgeois corporate
into thinking that fascism is a thing of the past, when a brief examination

into the ideology and practics of Amerikkkan neo-iberal captalistic
mmmmmml—mh-mmmv

In Amerikkks, fascism has many disguises, but its primary function consists
In economic exploitation and the dumbing down of society, so that eritical
thinking becomes obsolete and, participation benefits siate powsr. As
militant revolutionaries, a part of the world-wide socialist movement to break
fhe back and sever the spinal chord of Imperiallsm, we must accept the
Govious fact that our enemy is a fasciet onemy that's siive and breathing
down our necks every second of the day. Fascism is monopoly.
corporativiem, and the class that wields this powsr is very small. This small
Class controls the mejor means of production and distribution in the world,
but fts primory power structure rests here in Amerikkka. This smell group,
Controls what we today cal “Globalization,"” and this class or group has
positioned tself firmly against socialist revolution. Therefors, they are our
primary enemy.

First and foremost, we subscribe to the idea that Amerlkkka is a qualatively
different fascist state than the fascists we read about in books. Amerikkkan
fascism stands undetected because no exact example or definition exists a3
o its characteristica. As stated by comrade George Jackson, "The nature of
fasciem, its characteristics and properties have been in dispte ever since it

capitafist orientation and entilabor, anti-class nature.” When comrad
George states that it has an “anti-ciass” nature, he is making reference to
fascism's “anti-people” nature as well. Fasciam has the ability to seduce
progressive and non-progressive people into championing s politcs.

astute fascist will be skilled in the science of appealing to the reai

imagined needs of the people. It will position itself as the savior
protector of the people.

137
We wil show in this pamphiet that ail silly arguments 10 the contrary are &
waste of time, and that the revolutionary leflist movement must prepare now
- should already be prepared - to accept this fact. Here's Comrade George:

“Fascism exists in this country, and it exisis in disguise, and the
disguise takes the form of ail those idiotic, ridiculous statements

about a wolfaro state. If anybody with any intellignce st all can look
at the united states and come up with & conclusion that this is a
woifaro stale or any resemblance of a welfare state, it's pure

chicanary, an evasion of fect, dereiiction of duty, and in most cases
what they're doing is really'cleaning up the fact that they didnt
9ppose apitalism, they didn't oppose hierarchy whon they should

This definition explains the real nature of this system, which leapt into
monopoly-corporativism at the close of the Civil War. Capitalism-imperialism
has finally completed its last and highest stage of reform. We have o reaiize
that fascism is shatiering and crushing any hopes of justice and freedom for
the people, uniess its a hope or freedom that's tied economically into the
system of bourgecis capitalism. We must also realize that fascism cannot
defeat a politically determined revolutionary people.

As Black revolutionaries, we recognize the existence of the Black Nation in
digspora. That is 1o say, we hold that the tans of millions of Black peopie
scatiorod throughout the Amerixkkan indusirial centars constiule an
oppressed nation, a colony. Wo seok the liberation of that colony — a5 @
nation, and not s & mere class or racial minority. The predominantly white
Left must join us in this struggle, for it will be the centor city colonias and the
Indian reservation kampe tha wil serve on the frontdines of miltant
rovolutionary struggle. We all agree that the power 1o cripple imperiaist
‘miltarism springs from the bosom of organized labor, however, the failure o
define the Amerikkkan ruling class as fascist has lead to different views,
Which prevent unitary canduct and revolutionary struggle.

Comrade George had this to say on the problem:

“The second notion that stands in the way of our understanding of
fascist-comporativism is a semantic_problem. When | am being
intorviewed by @ member of the old guard - and point (0 the concrote
and steol, the tiny electronic listening device concealed in the vent,
the phalanx of goons peeping in at us, his barely functional plastic
tape-recorder that cost him a week's labor, and point out that these
aro, all manifestations of fascism, he will invariably aitempt (o refute
me by defining fascism simply as an economic geo-political affair
whero only one political party is allowed (o exist aboveground and no
Opposition political party is allowed. But examine that definition of
tolalitarianism comrade.
“No oppositior: parties are allowed in China, Cuba, North Korea o
North Vietnam. Such a namow definition condemns the model
revolutionary societies to totalitarianism. Despite the presence of
political parties. there is only one legal politics in the U.S. - the
tivism,. =

‘There is not one iota of evidence to dispute this position. The polltics of
Amerikkkan capitalism rest on a two party system, - but the both of them
share the same parent: monopoly-capital. Last year alone which wes an
‘election year to decide the next President for four years, the Republicans
spent over 200 milion dollars raised from monopoly-corporatism. The
Democrats were not too far behind, but the corporate bashing slowsd the
influx of huge donations from oil and military companies.

In my first pamphiet called "Dossier of Struggle® | laid down this fine: | dont
care who owned Mom and Pop stores, corporate power pays their rent by
fumishing products to sell on the market. And if they refuse o adhere o the
dictates of corporate interest, the ruling class wil simply send in a Wal-Mart
that willforce the stubborn store into bankruptcy.

1 have termed this the economic face of fasciem, and it may leave the
impression with some that this is good ole fashion business.” but let me
rush o drop this line from the BLA .\We see many of our

are ble to scrounge,
borrow, or steal the bere minimum to become “black capltalists.” Much to
their disillusionment they generally find that to own @ comer grocery store,
liquor store, or whatever is great hassle that requires total dedication,
‘work, and sacrifice -- just to keep their heads above water. Unable to taks.
fuil advantage of the discount which accrues to wholessle purchase, they
cannot compete with the monopoly retail capitalist who either own the
‘Wholesale outiet out-right, or make their purchase in such huge wholesale
lots that thelr discount is enormous.”

Attorey Lynn Stewart, who defended accused “terrorists,” was hauled
before the courts to neutralize her and to send a message 1o others; people
have been detsined in miltary baracks for suspicion of having sympathies
for, or a picture of, Osama Bin Laden; 2.3 million paople are Incarcerated in

prisons across the country. This s the disguised form of fascism that's
hidden from public scrutiny.

People that are more concomed weh the rappings of this peoudo mass socety and fs
‘spectacular leisure sports; parades where srangers mest, shout eech other down and
often trample each other on the way home il never see the ugly reaity of fascism.
Ameridkan fascism s 50 effective in emofionefly eppealing t people's desires and
fears that when we point out fo them that Amerkkikan capiaiism has had 200 years to
diguise and refne s face, end 50 yeers to consolidate fascist control o the county,
they would simply ciemiss us. Comrade George referred 1 fasciem' el oots when
he made this statement “a great many of the early rends of Amerian history
prepared the way for the ulimate success of fascism in its highest form.*

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50 YEARS OF FASCIST CONSOLIDATION

Fascism consolidated s power here in Amerikkka during the ciose of World
War Two. This was the second world war for colonial markets and
imperiaiisic economic-miltary dominance. The point here is that Amerikkka
sal out this war for three years thinking perhaps that Great Britain and
France would defeat Hitler, but when France fell under German miltary
might and Britain faced imminent defeat as well, and it looked like the
conlest would be decided between Germany and socialist Russia,
Amerikkka had 10 find @ way to miiarily get inlo the game, so it threataned
and bulied Japan behind closed doors. in short, Japan was given the
improssion that it faced imminent atiack from the military might of the
Amerikan ruling class, so it hit first and gave the excuse Amerikkka needed
o Join the fight. Capital migrated 10 the U.S.. because sirategically it was
physically removed from actual fighting on its land. Plus Amerikkka
feprasented at that time the champion of finance and industrial capitalism.

1f one was 10 o back and review the history of that time, it wil be obvious
that the U.S. ruling class’s problem was not with Hitler, but the real source
of its worries was Japan extending colonial dominance over the Pacific
Islands and the Philippines, which were Amerikan colonies. This was the
‘economic mative for their participation in the fight.

Much of the Amerikan monopoly capialist ruling class supported_Hitler,
including President Bush's grandfather, Prescott Bush, who was Hiller's
banker in the U.S. and was lalr convicted during the war undor the Trading
'With the Enemy Act. Henry Ford was awarded the Iron Cross by Hitier. The
Rockofellors, Morgan Trust and GM (to name a few) had major commitments
o the Third Reich. They did not care about the Jews boing intomed in
‘concentration kamps. That only became a part of the agenda when France,
Russia. Great Britain, and Amerikkka formed the allied force (the Jews wers
being intemed and murdared In kamps since 1839. Almost three years
before Amarikkka got involved). Ponder on this:

“Hitler understood that German capitalism could not pull itseif out of
the depression without expanding across its boundaries (o steal the
minerals, seaports, factories, and workers of suounding countries.
By conirast, Roosevelt's siretogy was (o use the threat of U.S.
military power o keep Germeny and Japan out of important U.S.
markols. But while Gemnany and Japan wero definitely the
aggressors, it must be understood that the United States had
proviously commitied genocide against the Indians in the white men's
invasion of the continent; kidnapped millions of people from Africa
and brought them 10 the U.S. as slaves; stolen the land of Chicano
Ppoople in the Southwost; annexed Hawaii and Puerto Rico; and
sproad its fentacles into much of Latin America by the 1930s. If the
United Statas was more defensive than Germany during this period, it
was primarily because it had so much stolen wealth (o defend.”

Roosevelt himself admitted that the U.S. govemment had become an
appendage of the great financial interests going back as far as Andrew
Jackson's administration. Even though thers were powerful financial
interests in this country backing Germany, the ‘smart money saw the
‘opportunity to come out of WWII s the top imperialist power and scoop up
the colonial markets and resources of France and England by coming to
their aid: Which is exactly what happened.

Because the Soviet Union was at this time a soclalist country and the
headquarters of the world communist movement, many socislist and
revolutionary people saw the U.S. joining the Allied cause es a progressive
step, and they tended to tum a blind eye 1o the actual class nature of the

capitalist_democracies and 1o forget that they are fundamentally class
dictatorships with their own imperialist designs.

‘This ideologically and politically disarmed the workers and other progressive
people and the oppressed generally by promoting the Hlusion of post.war
partnership and democratic transition to worid socialism, as well as the
{llusion that fascism was something other than monopoly capitalism stripped
of the pretence of liberal democracy or human rights. People were not
prepared when the U.S. imperialists immediately launched the Cold War at
the end of WWIL, turning on thelr wartime allies and the Let and progressive
people at home, driving them from the trade unions, universities, Hollywood
and the mass media in an ant-communist “witch hunt.” Those who had been
‘openly fascist before the war, such as the Dulles brothers, Joe McCarthy, J
Edgar Hoover and the Bush clan, were now super-patriots, rehabilitated snd
leading the crusade.

Having failed to challenge the term totalitarianism,” @ term devold of class
content, when applied to the Nazis regime, the Left was now tamed with the
same brush, while the real history of Amerikkka, the genocide, slavery and
crusl exploltation of the workers was whits-washed away. Hand in hand with
repression came concessions under the banner of Cold War liberalism,
higher wages, improved working conditions, civil rights legislation,

unemployment compensation and social security as well as gradusted
income taxes.

Of course, we are seeing all this disappear In the post-Cold War period. But
stil, many so-called “leftista” cail on s to hitch our hopes to the Democratic.
Party and abandon thoughts of making revolution or bulding socialism. They

seek 1o sidetrack the true LeR and keep the oppressed masses ‘in their
place.”

The New Afriken Black Panther Party Prison Chapter NABPP-PC) must
come o terms with this fact that we must organize ourseives for the
eventuality of socialist revolution aimed at putting workers in power — a

revolution to crush and smash monopoly caphtalism - and overthrow
fascism.
A TOOL OF REACTIONAY BRIBERY

The New Afrikan partisan connected 1o the revolutionary New Afrikan Black
Panther Party understands. that these loud debates with so-called “loftist
loments” are only distracting us from the task of revolution. This ploy by so-
called “lefists” 1o trick us into holding our revolution in abeyance has been
exposed. We will fight this revolution without them, but if possible, the joint
operation by both the New Afrikan and white lefist revolutionaries will make
the task simpler. But we can' afford lo wait while our oppressor is bribing
and co-opting us to do ta imperialistic work againat world fevolation.
Comrade George said this:

“The shock troops of fascism on the mass political level are drawn
from mombers of the lower-middie class who foel the upward thrust of

NEW AFRIKAN WORKERS ARE THE MOST DYNAMIC FORCE IN
AMERIKKKA

The workers will awaken when thay are approached with “Clipboard in hand”
and on it laid down a set of ideas and ideais as to how a particular set of
socio-political problems should best be addressed. But these ideas and
ideals should come from understanding the actual needs of the people. And

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we must not expect everyone to respond positively to the Idea of revolution.
The degree and depth of “psycho-social conditioning instilied from birth* will
‘work against us from time to time.

Another area that needs to be disputed pertains to this misconception that
North Amerikan White workers by themselves are the only revolutionary
force in this country. We reject that. The argument could be made that these
particular White workers are the most greedy and individualistic ciess in all
of labor's history. And if one desired 10 extend this argument and say that

Amerikan workers seem to adore and admire its bosses and bankers,

hefshe will have a valid position to stand on. Example: How did all of those
millionaires get power?

The argument that the rich simply paid their way into office is 8o silly that it
barely merits response. The thing Is this, trying to_analyze what is
happening with this system and the workers ihat propel It forward must be
viewed from a historical position. And the historical record Indicates that the
rich never paid their way into power. They actually created this system that
favors them. “On May 14, 1787, the constitutional convention with George
Washington presiding offcer, the work of framing the nation's constitution
proceeded with fify-five persons and only two were not employers!ir So the
ich merchants and putrid slave masters created this system to serve their
own class interests. And don' forget the fact that New Afrikans were
classified as three fithe of human being, with no rights t all, while the
Indians faced genocidal extirpation.

STAY FOCUSED

The New Afrikan revolutionist must refrain from the petty, squabbles that
s6em to jmmobilize others from acting to bulld the necessary structures for
national iberation. The stupid argument by “leftist slements” to unite around
John Kerry and the Democratic Party in order o defest Georgs Bush
overtums Kart Manx's golden rule that the bourgedisie “creates 8 world after
its own image.” They know they are betraying the peopis, but in their mind
they aspire to be like the class that oppresses the world community, and
Tiow we are seeing it under the threat of George Bush wanting to compietely
totafitarianize the whole world, not just Amerikkka. We implore New Afrikan
people to join the New Afrikan Black Panther Party, and to hel with Raiph

Nader, to hell with John Kerry, and to hell with George Bush. Join the
revolution!

THE ENEMY IN RADICAL CLOTHES

Fascism has proven over time to have three faces that sometimes fool
people into thinking they are progressive or revolutionary. Comrade George
put it this way:

“Historically it has proved fo have throe differont faces. One ‘out of
power’ that fends aimost fo be revolutionary and subversive, anti-

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capitalist and anti-socialist. One ‘in power but not secure’ - this is the
sensational aspect of fascism that we see on screen and read of in
Pulp novels, when the ruling class, through its instrumental regime, is
able (o suppress the vanguard party of the people’s and workers'
movement. The third face of fascism exists when it is ‘in power and
‘securely so."- During this phase some dissent may be allowed.”

During the “out of power" phase, we see all kinds of language that
convinces some people that this is a revolutionary group thar's really for the
poople. This group participates in programs that awaken social awarenes
You see them at anti-war demos chanting "No Biood for Oill* They talk about
putting pressure on George Bush, but *realistically admir” that “we" can't just
pull out “our” troops just yet.

The sacond phase of “in power but not secure” is whan all the peopie that
supported this same sounding revolutionary group have moved lo put them
in the seats of power. During this pariod, the group spands very lita time on
building the country, but rather it has other pressing needs, which require
the imprisonment of its former allies and comrades. The new group chases
down ailimaginary and credible threats to s existence.

The third phase of “in power and securely 50" is that period when Neo-
Liberalism has pacified the masses and suppressed the real Left. All the
productive points of state and ruling class interost are now securely manned
by the new shock troaps. The state feels secure enough to allow us the
luxury of faint protest. Take protest 100 far, however, and they will show
their other face. Doors wil be kicked down in the night and machine-gun fire
‘and buckshot will be the medium of exchange.

Ifthe state is secure and sirong, it will permit elections that cost the average
person $100 million or 8o dollars to gt elected. And if a few Blacks are
elected to the Congress or Senale, they will be confined and alienated by
‘committees that restrict passage of anything. Congressman John Conyers
very yoar keeps putiing on the record his bill called H.R. 40 that cails for
the study of reparations. This is only calling for the siudy of reparations, but
‘each year the bill faces cartain death by powerful committees. The amount
of money being expended in these foolish elections could be used o build
infrastructures that serve the needs of the peaple.

“Elections and palitical parties have no significance when all serious
contenders for public office are fascist and the electorale is
thoroughly misied about the true naturo of the candidales. One
cannot say i the peopie who vote are unaware, just as one cannot
say the twelve hundrod professors who backed Mussolini wero ail
frightened. Those who aro aware and still do nothing consiructive are
‘among the most patheic victims of the totalitarian process.”

We have o take 1o the sireets and the communities where our vole in the
people will do some gaod. The people will respond positively when they see

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construciive programs to better their condition and the bullding of people's
power. Many times in the past we have approached people with programs

that originate in our heads and they no where conform to the actual reality of
the people.

Let's not delude ourselves any longer. We are deeling with & cold vicious

class of cutthroats and compromise with them means putting bullets in our
heads.

‘THE NEW AFRIKAN BLACK PANTHER PARTY - PRISON CHAPTER

The New’ Afrikan Black Panther is the individual that understands and
Pporpetutes the ideology of New Afrikan revoluticnary nationalism and
strongly supports independence for the people based on "from the masses
to the masses.” The revolutionary Party will essentially comprise elements
from the Black workers, the lumpen and lower-middie cissses that have
surrendered their non-proletarian ideology to combat the aggressive neo.
‘colonial factions in leadership positions in the central ciies of Amerikkka.

The neo-colonial agents must be exposed for thelr outright collaboration and
betrayal of the people. The Black Parther has no needs that outweigh the
Importance of the struggle of the people. To win the people over to the importance
of independence, the Biack Panther must live with the people; struggle with them:
study with them; fight beside them, and Hf need be, die for them.

THE MASSES OF PEOPLE

‘The meaning of “The People” comes through clearly when one thinks of their
mother, father, sister and brother, but the broader concept Is what's being
referred to here. When we say “The People,” we mean those people that
support and actively mobilize and organize for revolutionary sociaiist
government, those who no longer consent to be ruled as slaves and who
realize that they have nothing to lose but their chains.

CLASS STRUGGLE

The New Afrikan Biack Panther Party — Prison Chapter embraces class
struggle as @ means to organize, agitate, and educate the people. However
our class struggle Incorporates resisting our national oppression and the
racist domination of the Black Nation, (.., neo-colonialism). Let me make it
clear that the Panther has many enemies, including collaborationist Negroes
and their slave masters; so to prevent these collaborstors and class
enemies from subverting the cause of revolution, we have to engage in
class analysis and struggle. Example: The underciass does not beneft from
the weslth accrued by monopoly-corporatism, but elements of the black
upper-middie class have a stake in the maintenance of monopoly-capital
because their big houses and liestyle comes from i These Blacks serve as
managers and executives in these companies. They are what we today
‘would call agents of fascism.

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We are not taiking about ail upper-middie class Blacks, just the ones that
hobknob with the likes of Condilezza Rice and Clarence Thomas (or wish
they couid). These lum-coals work harder than the man fo maintamn
geonomic disparity and the oppression of us. In shor, the class struggle will
be betwsen two forces: New Afrikan peopie under the leadership of &
progressive/aggressive, revolutionary vanguard party and its allies verses
the monopoly capitalists (not all white peopie) and their functionaries.

ON SEXISM

The ugly head of sexism and gender disparaging has its roots
fundamentally, within the capitalist patriarchal system. We implore ail
revolutionaries 1o fight against the relegation of woman 1o second-class
status within the revolutionary movement and in the broader sociely. Always
femember that socialism is not just an economic system, but more than that,
tis a new way of human relations. Comrade “Rashid Johnson sent me a
plece on wimyn and their role in struggle that will be quoted here:

“We can't generate People's war if we continue 10 act & to think as if all
people are men, and as if all children are boys. We can't build a mass
movement if we fail to allow wimyn a proportional share of power.

ALASTWORD
We implore all serious people to get connecied with a progressive group in their
‘community. The hour of procrastination won' save those people that siecp on
park benches around the comer from your house. They need you now!

SEIZE THE TIMEI DARE TO STRUGGLE AND DARE TO WINI

Allmy quotes/sources come from Biood In My Eve: The Polical Thought of
Comrade George Jackson, and the BLA Study Guide.

Pantherism & the New Afrikan Black
Panther Party - Prison Chapter

by Chairman Shaka Sankofa Zulu
1) What is a Panther?

) A Panther is anyone who has foft the yoke of capitalist colonlelism and racist
oppression. it is someone who has been denied the political ights of self-
determination and economiic independence. A Panther is the mother, son,
daughter, father, and cousin of the oppressed Biack poople. He/she hes decided
0 stake their future on the principle of: "From the Masses o the Masses.”
Panthers are the servants of the people. They love the peopls, believe in the
‘people, and fight by the side of the people. The Paniher is humble, but when the
pecple are threatened and backed into a comer, shee wil spring into action unti
the threat is efiminated.

2)) Why do you refer to your idedlogy s Pantherism?

A) Pantheriam i the ideology of evolutionary Black Natonafm. Partherism
incorporates the fundamental tenants of revolusonary socialism. Socialem is the
il of the working class. When we say: "Al Power 1 the Peopler’, we mean the
working people having control aver the basic means of production and distrbution
of goods; and, o, mines, factories, transportation, warehouses, and 80 on s wel
28 the government and miltary. We e taiing about confiecating the wealh of
the super-ich expiofters, the bourgecisle, trough a revolionary war of
beration. This wil require the organized power of the people. Pantherism teaches
that Black lberation requires that the working class s a whole must embrace the
idoa that;“Ancther Word s Possible.” and that they must step forward t0 take
history into their own hands. The working class in the U.S. must decide to throw
s weight and power behind the intemational campaign to smash mperialsm,
Partherism also demands that we oppose bath narrow (Black bourgedis)
nationafism and reactionary (American) patrictism with revolutionary Black
Nationafism and proletarian (working ciass) intemationalism. Each people have
the right o sef-determination, 80 we say: “Black Power to the Black Peopler” and
“Indian Power to the indian Peoplel” *Ara Power 1o the Arab Peoplel,” and s0 on,
but also we support the unity of al oppressed people.

3) Why is there & need for the New Afrikan Black Panther Pary - Prison Chapter?

A.) We believe that the Black Panther Party (1966 to 1871) suffered an untimely
domise before ft could mobize the weight of working class Black People to
‘advance the Black iberation struggle to victory. Thereby, i et a legacy to be
picked up and carried on from one generation to the next. No other party or
‘organization has inspired and mobilized Biack peopie like the old BPP did. The

Party's demise was caused by intemal weaknesses, egoiem and factionalism,
‘combined with an intemse campaign of government infitration, assassination and

false imprisonment cafled COINTELPRO in which more than 2,000 Party
mermbers were arested and many were kiled. The tate Khaid Muhammad
‘created the New Black Parther Party in 1990 as a spift from the Ntion of Islam
(NO), and we consider these to be our brothers and sisters, but we have

14
fundamental ideclogical and poliucal differences with them. We believe in class.
slauggie not racial separatism. Our motivation is love for our Black poople, not
hatred of anyone, and wo believe that all oppressed people must unie against our

oppressed poaple.
Acconding to U.S. Jusico Department atatisic, "I 2003, 6.9 milion peopie wera
onprabation,in ail o prison, o on parole at year end 2003 — 3.2% of il U.S.
adul residents or 1 in every 32 adults.* More than 2 milion people, nearly hal of
the imprisonad people in the word, are incarceratad in the S, That is tros and
@ half imes as many as in 1670. The Patiot Act and the creation o the Office of
Homeiand Secuity go way beyond the FBi's COINTELPRO campaign i vioating
paople's rights.
| want o clarly that when we rolr 10 the BPP exisiing fom 1666 1o 1671, w are
teferring o s revolutonary period. tmped along unti 1981, increasingly sinking
into reformiam end ganger-ike telorc and acivily before s inal demiss.
4) How does Paniherism deal with other oppressed nations and peope?

A) As comrades! We are wiling to work with al genuinely ant-imperialist and
anti-racist people and onganizations. We stand for the absolute right of all

5) Why name the NBPP-PC newsietier Right Onf?
/A In honor and remembrance of the Black Liberation Army (BLA). When the spit
‘occurred in the BPP in 1971, the comrades of the South Eastem Beltway, who
‘argued for an effective querrita counter-offensive againat police/FBI
‘assassinations, were expelled from the Party and forced underground to cortinue
the struggle while the Party HQ in Oakiand, CA became openly reformist and
‘abandoned the cause of evolution altogether. Heavlly infitrated, the BLA faction
‘was quickly smashed. Support commitees for the imprisoned POWs and the
familes of those who wers Kiled, ke Twyman Meyers, Big Frank, Zayd Shakur
@nd mény others, raflied around the newspsper Right Onl While we recognize that
the comrades of the BLA fell (and were pushed) into a trap leading to their
‘destruction, we honor thelr spirt and sacrifice. We, however, have no intertion of
falling into this trap ourselves.

6) Whet are the issues the NEPP-PC will be addressing?

A) Our Ten Point Program and Plattorm specifically addresses the most
important needs of Black people. We demand power o determine our own
destiny, decent housing. heafth care, education, jobs, and an end to police abuse
‘and murder of ail Black people regarciess of their social or economic class. We
‘demand the freedom of all poltical prisoners and POWs. We demand reparations
‘and a fair shot at impartiiity within the criminal justios system and a UN plebiscite
10 be held within the Black colony. Our 10-point Progrem wil serve to stimuate
the initistive and creativty of oppressed Black people and unieash a power that
‘will convince the capitalist opprossor that we il not continue 1o be his permanent
staves. Each step we take in organizing and mobilzing the people wil be creating
base areas of poifical, cuttural, social and economic power.

7,) What about prison issues?

A) First of al we want to amend the 13th Amendment, that perpetuates the
status of “slave” for prisoners, and we want to extend voting rights o include
prisoners and, in the 10 former siave states, those who have been convicted of
feloniss. We befieve that capital punishment, the setence of Ife without the
possibity of parole, and indefinite confinement in SHU cedis without review;
‘constiute “cruel end unusual punishment,” profibited by the Conetiution and
international standards on human rights, as does torture, deprivation of food and
proper medical care, and other oppressive practices common in U.S. prisons.
‘We believe prisoners are entitied to fair and humane reatment, to religious
freedom, to maintain contact with their familes, to continue their education and
feceive job training. cg and slcohol rehabiltaton; o join poltical parties and
organizations, to form end Join labor unions and In general o leed producive ives
‘8 ciizens while they are incarcerated. Thero ars many people who have been
rairoaded Into prison by the pofice and courts whose cases shoutd be reviewed
and who shoukd be released with compensation.

Capitalism is @ criminel systom, and it promotes criminaiity and a crminal
mentafity, and revolution i the sotution. Orly the masses of oppressed people
themseives can effectively deal with the problem of crime, and we must do 50 8
part of the cass struggle. Our goal must be 1o transtorm the prisons info “achools.
‘of Beraton” and win prisoners to a revolutionary outiook and o become servants
of the pecple.

16
8) So, basically you do advocate certain reforms and legal forms of suruggle?

A) Yes, a this tme, there s not a revolutionary stuaton in the U.S., and our Partyis a
‘completely legal and above-ground ane. We don't advocats comrades dong anything
gal. We don't advocaio lerorism, fots, or individuaieic acis of violence, and we
View these as counter-producive 10 the basic tasks of doing revoluionary work in 8
‘non-revolusonary aituation. This doosn't mean that we are accommodaling 10 the
‘ystam or tha the fundamental changes that are necassary can be achieved thiough
roforms or that imperieliam can bo vold sway. Real revolution, the transier of power
from ane class b anothe, can only be achieved by the masses, who are the makers
of history. The job of the vanguard party s 1o make them conacious and lead them in
‘Greaing people’s power from the grasero0ts up.

'We recognize that the super-rich ciass willnot concede its dictalorship over
‘society paacefully, and that revolutionary war will be necossary. There isn't any fix
that can buy us off and prevent our canying the ciass siruggio ail the way 1o
victory. But we cannol confuse one stage of the siruggle for anather, and there
200 o short cuts. As the Chinesa sage of “The Art of War, Sun Tau, pointed oul,
batties and wars are won or lost before they are fought. We must know our enemy
‘and know ourseives to achieve victory. These imperialists ase ot going to change
their nature. They are driven by one thing, and that i to maxiize their rate of
‘profit on investments regardiess of the human cost and the destruction being
‘done 1o the sustainabilty of e on this planet. Uttimaely, the pacple have no
‘cholce but o end their e and create an alismative paliica-economy o provide
for their survival needs and bring the epoch of axpiloiation o close.

Raising the people's consclousness to this situation, and organizationaly crealing
the means for them o bring their powe Lo bear,is necessary t0 ay the basis for
rovolutionary change. People sl have liusions about “democracy” and who faaly
ules, and they foel powerless and are disunited. S0 we have 1o proceed one step
8t a me, keeping the end goa in sight, and be prepared for proracied srugge.
We have o use struggle 1o create more favorable condiions for siruggle, and
90w In our understanding and capabilties.

9 What do you have to say 1o prison officials who might tend 1o view the NABPP-
PC as 2 “secuty threat group"

A) Wil we are ot an STG as defined by law. We dont threaten the security of
the comectionalinsitutions or promate racial viokence of anything ke that. W are
ot a gang, and we present an altsmative to gangsterism. Th situation n the
prisons, the violence, racism and gangsterism was creaiod by them and their
policies, 80 they should look in a mior if they want (0 866 an STG. We aro
promating a solution 10 &l that. Polical prisonars are model prisoners who inspire.
others 10 give up their criminal mentaity and behavior and iive (ios of sarvice o
the people. They callthese bastions of ppression “comectional insituions,” wel
thaf's what we want thom (0 be. Panthoriam is & positive ideclogy and force that
inapires people 1 be selfdiscipined and 10 usa their Sme productivaly.

10.) Are you opimistic about the fulure?

A) Yes, Panthers aro revolutionary optimists! We believe that the future will be

bright, because we shall dare to make it 5ol Our motto is: “Dare to Struggle and
Dare to Winl"Q

17
What's Left of the Left? A Critical Question
By Kevin “Rashid” Jobnson

We are living in what s obviously a decisive point n history. We stend as witnesses to
the super-consolidation of globl empire aad the militaistsuper-state. We in Amerika Hve

Mer constent filures of empire to deliver promised changes, doring the 1960°s and
10°, Ameriken Blecks became radicalized in opposition to abject poverty,

adical views, bis public opposition o the Vietnem Wor, his preparing & Poor People s
March on Washington sct to occur in 1968, and his adopting socialst economic and
poliical views in repudition of capitalsm, il of which developed toward the ¢nd of his

ffe. In the later half of 1967. be expressy rejected the idea of Black integraton into the
Amerikan capitalst empire.
Following a_continuous FiI cumpaign of threass, houndings, silking,
intimidaions sgainst him, King was conveniendy murdercd just months before the Poor
People’s March was set 10 occur. That march was intended 1o cllectively shut down all
movement and operations within Washingion, DX, just s the 1963 March on Washingion

was originally planncd by its original grassroots organizers to do, until President John .
Keanedy and his financial backers used the then pro-empire Kiag t subvert the March
‘and transform i into a beaign, peaceful affir.

Similarly, Malcolm Shabuzz (X) has been wrongly porayed as a disjointed rudical
with very line politcal vision and development, who ulimatcly became pro-inicgration
into Empirc. Mainstream accounts of Malcolm avoid his work toward his life's ¢ad 10
organize an anti-colonial Pan-African Iniermationalist Movement. His Organization of
Alro- American Uity was patiemed atler, and planned 1o work 1o advance the objectives
of the Organization of African nity, and to opeale as an anti-colonial movement o unify
the world's Black people and build cconomic and political tics with other third world,
progressive, and socialist leaders und ultimately came out challenging cupitalism us the
true cacmy of Blacks and all poor. He was subjocted 1o relentiess FBI surveillance,
stalking and harassment under its COMFIL program snd was also convenicntly murdercd.
As civilrights lcader Bayard Rustin predicicd, imperial powers, and “not Negro people.
will determine Malcolm X's ole in history.”

19
As scholar and writer William Sales, Jr. obscrved of the treatment of leaders like
Malcolm. Martin and others, “once the images of these leaders can no longer be.
suppressed o ignored, their value and their significance are distorted, often by being.
reduced 10 slogans, which satsfy temporarily but whose superficality masks the deeper
meaning ofthe issues and anslyses these leaders try o convey.”

Empire’s subversion of the 1963 March and other channels of Black popular
resisiance (0 oppressive conditons between 1960 and 1964 prompted the armed urban
uprisngs. which Empire called “riots," by the disgruntled urban Blacks between 1964 and
1968 the uprisings of 1967 being the gresicst “wban rots” n U.S. hisory. Consisent
with what both Malcolm and Martin had come (o realize a just the times they were both
Killed, the cconomic and politicalnecds of Blacks and allpoor people could not be solved
under capitalism nd compelled_ fundamenial change of the political and. economic
structue of Amerik, .. revoluton). And it wastheir demand for this sot of change that
drove the Black uprisings. Howeve, Empire hd ther idas.

‘The 60°s rebellions compelled Empire o study and develop tactical methods to
convertthe Black revolutionary initative. It had (0 divert the collctive attention of Blacks
‘away from issues like poverty and disparities in wealth to more controllsbl isses, like

voting and civil reforms. and it had 1o crush the much more uncotrollable danger of
Black armed struggle.

The Kemer Commission was put in place to study the Black “wban riots” to
determine their cause (1) and provide “sppropriste responses” to prevent future uprisings.
“The Kemer Report devised both military-police (repressive) methods and socio-cconomic
(pecification) schemes, calculated to undermine and neutralize mass. revoltionary

awareness, potential and activity; to keep such energy repressed and diverted: and o
prevent s resurgence on mass levels,

With the implementation of these policies targeting grassroots political clements,
‘which were seen as fucling the flames of mass Black discontent, meny of these clements.
‘who were ot neutralized or intimidated were forced underground to evade capture or
assassination. The latter measures were used with increasing frequency against the Black
Panher Party (BPP), which developed in 1966 as a Black sclf-help and scifdefense
organization in response to both the assassintion of Mslcolm X and the continued
govemment violence against and disrcgard for the needs of Backs. The Pty further
sought_political independence for Blacks. These -clements, having been forced
underground, then resorted to armed strategic defensives, for the sake of personal survival
and resistance, while Empire was busy newtralizing ail sboveground politcal workers
These initiatives were implemented _through the _ counterimelligence program
COINTELPRO—and White House, FBI. CIA. and local police collabortion.

Subsequenty, Daniel Patrick Moynihan counseled Richard Nixon in 1970 to
implement measures to_isolate this growing “armed front” from the masses, (Quite
obviously because mass involvement or sympathy with organized tactical armed resistance
is the one form of strugale that truly endangers Empire’s power). Moynihan prescribed
such methods to accomplish this objective ns “criminalizing” their image, (sll truly
revolutionary activity became “terorism”), refining policing methods, and creating &

20

middlc class s a model of social conformity. It was pure neo-colonial sraegy, adapied to
the U.S. It was also Moynihen who counseled Nixon in the 60's to implemeat
‘which would dissolve the grassroots clemeats of the “lower class sinua” that were 50
promincat o the uban rebellions.

One example of Empire’s crminalizing tctical ammcd tesisance u Wis sage, (aad
exposiog it recogaiion of duceied Black youth as & leading revohutionary lemeat),
oocumed upon the capire of Black professor Angela Y. Davis in Ociober 1970—she was

‘concernod with “siopping the spread” of such “purposeful violence™ which it recogaized
10 be “polearially even more destructive than the wban riols have been.” It was in this veia
that Nixon firt coiged the “war on crime” agends, with 3 focus on “violeat crime” and
urben youth ia particular.

Under these policies, Empire was, by the mid-1970's, well on ks way W desiroying the
‘aciive radical youth forces of Black Liberatoa. It was also prepering to develop schemes
t seutnlize al independent Black organizing, because slthough Empire had possed
verious civil reform laws end spouted thetoric about racial equality and jusiic, there was
o intcation of eaforcing them, nor of allowing say foundation o remain for & renewed
round of Blacks organizing for resistance. ;

With rovolutionary forces in Amerika on he rise and joining forces, (¢.6 Blacks,
Native Americans, Womca, Students, anti-imperialss, pour whis, sat-war clemeais,
i), the wealy elte bad to changs the face of Exmpire’s adminisraiion 1o & more
modest, concliaiory nd humane an, 50 they offred a democratic presideaial candidaie
f “humble” rigis, (4 peanut farm), o promaoe prescaded policy of diplocacy, racal
seastvity, and concer for huma rights—limmy “Ethaic Purity” Care.

Carier began bis presidential term by pardoning most Viewam war dra
vaders, (preeading 1o b a fiend of the social forces who'd forced Empire 1o abolish the
drafin 1973),acting o brokes peace in various Thind World counrics, aad promoting s
administruion’s sgeada as one of supportiag and protesting “human righis” Howover,

on the grousd and policies implemented by Carer showed his concerns for
decreasing U.S. miitarism, for people of color, and for human rights 1o be very differeat

21
Specific methods proposed in NSC 46 to scoomplish these ends include: developing.
“ special program designed to perpetuate division n the Black movement sad..to
encourage division within Bleck cirles...to preserve the present cimate which inbibin
the cmergence from within the Black leadership of & person capable of cxerting
ationwide appeal:” to prevent the development of any “durble tes between U.S. Black
‘organizations and radical groups in Affican sates” to “sharpen social statfication in the
Black commanity, which would lead o the wideniag and perpetuation of the gap between
‘successfol cducated Blacks and the poor, giving ris to the growing antagonism between
different Black groups and a weakening of the movement as & whole;” the creation of a
broader Bleck middlc cless 1o play against the masses every
possible means” 1o work through white lsbor unions “to coumteract the Incrosing.
influcnce of Black labor organizations...including the creation of..adverse end bostile

2
those Blacks who broke their ties with the poor Black asses and disavowed any
‘conmection with the world's peopl of color, and thereupon adopted the cynica, cutthrons
Dackstabbing nd individualst values of Empir, would then be judged 1 scceptable

There wes & genena lack of undersinding of whit the role of the armed
underground should be in relation o the lega sboveground movement and vice veres
Nobody seemed 1 have clear idea or tegy on how to move towards preparing o
fevolationary basc reas wnd doing revolutoniry work in 8 pre-evolutionary Siuation.
Ths they fell into reformism and co-option on the one hand and sdvermuriom s
rotuionay sicde” o the other. Asu result both gl and underground revoutionsy
sctviy in the imner cites was defunct by th early 1980's,

By that point, (fter Jimmy Carter was used to effectively implement measures 1o

undermine Black organizing, wnd 1o paciy the Ameriken public in the wake of masy

resisance sgainst the war, and othe conditons already spoken of earler), Nixon's wuy

on rime” agends, which came in mswer 1o mass Black rébellions, became & scora)

policy of Romaid Reagan in the 1980's via the methods prescribed by NSC 46, Tha
. "

It is o colncidence that during the ReaganwBush Sr. ers. during which the
incarcertion e quadrupled, these administraions iniieled 1 ouright mtack on

Mmhnmnmum.nmcm-&mnmmmm
Kicked off welfre with lite option for finding work in & continuously shrnking Job
muket he then put more police on the stects than eny prevdus adminisration 10 cxse
the steady disposal o the despeately poor ino the naion's vat prison sysiem-—indees.
the world'slargestprison ystemn.

Itis worthy of note that Resgan ushered in and the commercial media popularized the
second “war on drugs” i

Just before the erack cpideatic swept the urbun Black communiies in all mjor US. ctis.
Criminal laws werc o0 the books spacifically targeing this drug belore it was even in
widespread use. Thee is certainly 00 lack of evidence and adamissioas of CIA, DEA, sad
‘White House involvement in trafcking ons of nercotics into the U.S. oo the one hand,
‘while profesing 1o outlw it 0 he othes. Human Rights Waich noted in a 2000 teport
that one fifth of the states in Amerika incarceraie Bleck males on drug charges twenly-
seven 10 fify-seven times the ate of whitc mals. HRW anomey Juic Fellner observed
thal, “Most drug offenders are white. Five times as many whites use drugs s Blacks™
This targeiing of Blacks, (young, Black males ia patiular), for such disproporionate
imprisonmeat i u conscious politialtactic of Empire.

Addictive drugs have long been tactically used s “chemical weapons” 1o effectively
destroy cobesion and organizing unity aad potential witkin socictics. Aa carly cxample -
being the Brish saration of China with opium in the 1800's o desuoy Chinese
resisince o foroed wade relaions with Britain, which was followed by Chrisisn
‘missionaris pushing morphiac, (which the Chinese called “Jesus Opium, claiming it 1o
be 8 “cure for opium addiction.” Asother early example that continues today was the
destruction of the Native American socieics with slcobol (rum and whiskey), which
allowed for an effeciive campaiga of genocide W be waged against them by the US. i
pursui of sicaling ther land.

Indecd the escemed US founding fasher and co-author of the declaraion of
independeace, Benjamia Franklin, opealy acknowledged and promoed the use of rum as

an cibnic cleansing weapan 1 clear out the Native Indiaas who were soca as impedicacnis
1o US. land scizure and cxpension. He sated, “If it be the design of Providence o
extirpa these savges in onder 1o make room for the cultvaiors of the eath, it soems not
improbable that rum may b th sppoinicd means!” I fuc,the rumm prodused trough the
slave colonies of the Cyribbean was the principal form of dnig wafficing of the
Britis/Ameriken colonial system. As W.E.B. DuBois wrote, *The Wes Indian Islands
became the center of the British Empire and of immense importance o the grandeur of
England. It as the Negro slave who made these sugar colonies the most procious coloaies
ever recordad i the aanals of imperialsm. Expets calledthem “the fundamental prop and
support” of the Empire.” But what must be undersiood is what made these Sugar colonies
50 profizble was he sugar’s being the base ingredient for production of rum, Le.
sugarcanc tumed ino molasscs and distlled into run. This rum was used to destroy ladian
socletics and trade with Afican chiefs for slaves.

Similarly the thriving Black and Pueno Rican werking class Broax, NY commuities of -
the 1940's and S0's were decimeted by the influx of hroin inroduced by the Matia with
‘complicity of Empire. n fact, the CLA reestablshed the Conican Mafia in Fraace, and fa
exchange for the Malia’s spushing the working class resisance of dock workers ther, it was.

Vietoam sy planes from Air America, (its own irine), t0 addict both U.S. soldics pod
South Vicisamese, legding io national scandal surrounding the "G heroin epidemmic™

From all of the ubove, af lesst four things can be concluded. First, whetber you agree
with their politics or 0o, the Black Panther Party filed in their stategic revolutionary
oals, because, akthough as a poltial group they were able to rally mass support and

24
sympathy by providing community support and self-support programs—(which Empire
could not and would not)—amongst the targeted group, (i.c. poor urban Black masses),
they failed at the same time to prepare for and implement militry and counterintlligence.
3 well s their own inteligence) iititives (0 protect themsclves and their programs, (o

ensure the continuity of their organization, and to organize and arm the masses. Second.
by spliting into reformist and adventurist factions and faling (o continuc to combine
Serve The People programs with revolutionary political education, the Party became
utterty vulnersbie to_ government repression and internal disintcgration. Third, modern
imprisonment and its targeting of the urban Black masses in paricular is & tool and
weapon, the increased use of which has been to dispose of the most cxpendable and
potentielly revolutionary scctors. of a superfluous population: to. undermine dissident
political awareness, organizing, and most importantly, tactical dissident sction of
miltant mature (the unspoken sides of the strtegic demonization and mass incarceration
of Blacks are the genocidal implications—this is especially apparent in the deliberate
imprisonment of Black males throughout their reproductive years, which is the effect of
‘mandatory minimum, three strikes, and parole abolition laws). The fourth point is that
Empire does not fear mass rallies and marches, (in fact it will support, infilrate, and
ontrol them), specches and pamphict passing. so long as these activitics remain divorced
from building revolutionary bese areas in the oppressed communities and creating
altertive institutions of people’s power, and it s proven able to ultimately contain and
repress unorganized riots. What Empire does fear, however, i tactical and strategic mass-
besed resistance—in conscious preparation for revolution.

25
4> 4 modem cxample of how ineficctive mass peace alles truly are, consider that ten
million people worldwide asscmbled in opposition 10 the U.S. invasion of raq in carly
2003 with not the slightest deterrent effect. On this point | quote & cohor's commeats i
a recent leter about his experience n the 2003 anti-war rally in Weshingioo:

“Can you imagune being part of a mass tumout of two hundred thousand people in DC
and fecling completely disempowered, wnd a1 times even bored? If the lef leamed
anyihing rom oppositon to Vietaum, it should be that it took all facets of resistance to
halt the war machine—and a full decade, 00 less. There scems 10 be some heavy~duty
revisionist history that the et writes of as fuctual these duys that states that through the
constant vigils and pesce marchcs and eticr-writing campaigas aud enough happy, gooey,
pacifist spirit we overwhelmed the governmeat und forced them 1o react 10 the voices of
the people. Resilicncy of the Viet Cong and the NLF, assassination of out-of-coairol
‘commanders by common troops, anmed clandestine organizations operating here in the

U.S. and abroad, diplomatic pressure. Al ofthese key clements vanished inio the memory
hole, la 1984."

We can now objectively recogaics he politcel motive behind U.S. mass incarccration
targeid agaiost specific clases for what it acually i, iz, low intensity wariat aganst
Amerikan Blacks among,others. Thus, any geaine rsistance to Empire from within aust
g s prisons — umong,other things—with more than ralics, mectngs and lobbying.
protests. The Aninial Liberation Front (ALF) his undenisken many clandestie snimal
rescuc operations; however, these animals, unlike desperae, rdicalized, ibersted buman
beings, aren't likly 1o also become active freedom fighters. Similrly, the Earth
Liberaton Front (ELF) has underken innumerable clandestine operaions fo sabotage
quipment and projects of the Empire, which they recogaize endanger the cavironmen
Yet, where indeed isthe Reople Liberation Front (PLF)? The snimals have llcs, 15 o the
rees. but what about the human beings? Especially noteworthy are those who we the
Vietims o genocidal tactics, i¢. Blacks and Native Americans.

Multiwdes of youlh, (of no uncenain poteatial), have beco drawn toward such
dissiden. onganizations and groups since the 70's, only o drift in and back oot without
purposc. Many ure drawn by searches for momentary recogaition in being affliaied wilh
groups that reccive some media stiention for their images of rebellion and conffontation.
But such cynicisms serve n0 long-term atcrests aad certainly do not provide solutions 10
the problems of the oppressed classes, herc or abroad.

There is u vast difference between rebellion and revolution, Rebellion is lile more
than resistance —usually reactionary and not necessarily result-oriented, (ic. it lacks
actical upproach and sirlegic objective), Revolusion, however, is & prowracied tctically
organized stzuggle 10 sccomplish totally changing and replacing socio-cconomie, political,
and cultural wrrangeimeats, and changes th logic upon which the old order of cxploitaion
Justified itsc. Revolution doesn't work by folks dritng in snd out of “the movemet”
andior 4 colléctive, s soon us there is a disagreement or injurcd feclings. Such cgo-
oriented, superficial commitments are nothing short of eactionary.

Kebellion is the stage tha disoricnied tecaagers typically g0 through when they claita
1o rejestthe pasents” or dominant autboritys cultre, control, and influence, oaly 1o find
themselves becoming duplicates or retining dominant waits of what they professed to

26
mfct So. while ¢ s, tnd lvnys hs been, the youth tha posses the greatest pocatil
£nd energy for social change, it i the same youth that most commony drif in and aut ot
e sruggle,” start up, Join, and ebendon various ecivst, disiden. resistance, and sy
called revolutionary groups. Next to the so-called minority nd prisoner cosns 1y
imerka theyouth r theancs most bosile 10 the presnt sysem. Unfortunsely, bocsons

190", €0's and 70's, (which cjected the Buropean colonizers and thei i o
ominent) lso exposed imperil weaknesses. The courtgeous stuggles of s
iemamese for culturalend extionl independence against the French, Japescas, Coner:
* (befors the 1949 revoluion and afer 1976), and Amerika exposed empie s weskones
The strggle of the Lebancse againat the U, oreli occupation tht foroed umeepess
retrent in 1983 exposed Empire’s weakness.

tie's] army engages in
there has never been a

27

protracted war from which 3 [state] has beaciited” As an cxamle of this fact, the
protractcd Viemam war denied Amerikan millary morse, discipline, public support, and
the national economy o such an cxiat tat the Lyndon Jobason sdmisisraion bad to
fund the war with budget deficits, weakening the dollar 10 such an extreme degree that the
US. had 10 abandon the gold standard in 1971, causing loss of contol over niccnaional
finsnce policy and various economic decline, compelling the complete restrucnuring of the
US. economy. Empire funber implemcaicd policies o limit the USS. publc's medis
exposure 10 miltary irosities commited against civilinns and body counts.

‘Similarly, toduy Amerika is imposiag o its population sn unprecedenicd deluge of
‘uss in social support programs and job beaclit, reduced Wages, massive uncamployment
und job loss, increases in labor hours, an influx of immigraat hiring aad prisoner slave
labor 1o cut labor costs and drive down wages while instigating division and hasility
within the workiay class, all ia cfforts to realocae public funds o flaance the Iraq war,
which s runaing ot an annual cost of half a wrillion dollars. Empire is futhermore
sirugyling to man its occupation force ia Iag, by frcing multple exicoded tours of duty
on its soldier, forcing injured and over-aged retced soldiers back into th fied, deplting
its national guard and rescrve foroes, cic, and this war of occupaton is caly two years in
the making as compared 1o the Vietoam war that spasned over s decade. The time for
revolutionary organizing couldn't be more ripe!

1 s for these reasous that Empire spends 50 much energy, time, and resources oa
diversion, (manuiscturing nou-siop Loys, tokcas, and seasational, scnsory graifying
enterinment), end undermining the resolve of its domestic masses agains genuioe
struggle, channcling the peopl's cacrgy towands activiies tha do nottheaien s securiy.
And many of us, having,absorbed the Empire’s cynical and self-absorbed values, foe
‘oursclves (00 valusble 10 commit our energies and out lives towerd valid revolutioaary
acivities; this while Empirc serves us up a socity ofrelative sbundance t the expease of
iohumane sufering, th lives and compulsary cheap labor of the world's people and
increasingly ourselves. The schemes of counter-rovolution spplied by Empire work,
because we in the know allow them 10, Yei we stand on the sidelines like mindiess
spectators and share in e spoils. Which begs the ultimaic question: despit all of our

‘yearsof protestations, posturia, claims of moral outrage and ciical analyses, whose side
arc we realy on?

Address (o Break the Chains Conterence 2003
Revised Mazch 2005 aad Ociober 2006

The

NABPP-PC

Ten Point Program
and Platform

New Afrikan Black Panther Party - Prison

Chapter

WE WANT FREEDOM. WE WANT POWER TO DETERMINE THE
DESTINY OF OUR BLACK AND OPPRESSED COMMUNITIES.
We believe that Black and oppressed people will
not be free until we are able to determine our
destinies in our own communities curselves, by
fully controlling all the institutions which
exist in our communities.

WE WANT FULL EMPLOYMENT FOR OUR BEOPLE. We
believe that the federal government is
responsible and obligated to give every person
employnent or a guaranteed income. We believe
that if the American businessmen will not give
full employment, then the technolcgy and means
of production should be taken from the
businessmen and placed in the community so that
the people of the community can organize and
employ all of its people and give a high
standard of living.

WE WANT AN END TO THE ROBBERY BY THE
CAPITALISTS OF OUR BLACK AND OPPRESSED
COMMUNITIES. We believe that this racist
government has robbed us and now we are
demanding the overdue debt of forty acr
two mules. Forty acres and two mules were
promised 100 years ago as restitution for slave
1abor and mass murder of Black pecple. We will
accept the payment in currency which will re
distributed to our many communities. The

and

29
30

ARerican racist has taken part in the slaughter
f our 1ifty million Black pecple. Therefore,
e feel this is a modest demand that we make,

WE WANT DECENT HOUSING, FIT FOR THE SHELTER OF
HUMAN BEINGS. We believe that if the landlords
¥ill not give decent housing to our Black and
OPPIessed communities, then housing and the
1and should be made into cooperatives so that
the people 1n our communities, with government
aid, can build and make decent housing for the
peopla.

W& WANT DECENT EDUCATION FOR OUR PEOPLE THAT
EXPOSES THE TRUE NATURE OF THIS DECADENT '
AMERICAN SOCIETY. WE WANT EDUCATION THAT
TEACHES US OUR TRUE HISTORY AND OUR ROLE IN THE
PRESENT-DAY SOCIETY. We believe in an
educational system that will give to our people
4 knowledge of the self. If you do not have
knowledge of yourself and your position in the
society and in the world, then you will have
little chance to know anything else.

WE WANT COMPLETELY FREE HEALTH CARE FOR All
BLACK AND OPPRESSED PEOPLE. We belisve that the
government must provide, free of charge, for
the psople, health facilities which will mot
only treat our illne: Bost of which have
come about as & result of our oppression, but
which will also develop preventive medical
Programs £o guarantee our future survival. We
believe that mass health education and reseacch
Programs must be developed to give all Black
and oppressed people access to advanced
sciantific and medical information, so we may
Provide our selves with proper medical
attantion and cas .

WE WANT AN IMMEDIATE END TO POLICE BRUTALITY
AND MURDER OF BLACK PEOPLE, OTHER PEOPLE OF
COLOR, All OPPRESSED PEOPLE INSIDE THE UNITED
STATES. We believe that the racist and fascist
government of the United States uses its
domestic enforcement agencies to carry out its
Progran of oppression against black people,
other people of color and poor pecple inaide
the United States. We believe it is our right,

10.

therefore, to defend ourselves against such
rmed forces and that all Black and oppressed
people should be armed for self defense of our

Nomes and communities against these fascist
police forces.

WE WANT AN TMMEDIATE END TO ALL WARS OF
AGGRESSION. We believe that the various
conflicts which exist around the world ste:
directly from the aggressive desire of the
United States ruling circle and government to
force its domination upon the oppiessed people
Of the world. We believe that if the United
States government or its lackeys do not cease
these aggressive wars it is the right of the
People to defend themselves by any means
necessary against their aggressors.

WE WANT FREEDOM FOR ALL BLACK AND OPPRESSED
PEOPLE NOW HELD IN U. S. FEDERAL, STATE,
COUNTY, CITY AND MILITARY PRISONS AND JAILS. WE
WANT TRIALS BY A JURY OF PEERS FOR All PERSONS
CHARGED WITH SO-CALLED CRIMES UNDER THE LAWS OF
THIS COUNTRY. We believe that the many Black
and poor oppressed people now held in United
States prisons and jails have not received fair
and inpartial trials under a racist and fascist
judicial system and should be free from
incarceration. We believe in the ultimate
elinination of all wretched, inhunan penal
institutions, because the masses of men and
women imprisoned inside the United States or by
the United States military are the victims of
oppressive conditions which are the real cause
of their imprizomment. We believe that when
persons are brought to trial they must be
guaranteed, by the United States, juries of
thetr p attorneys of their choice and
freedom from imprisonment while awaiting frial.

WE WANT LAND, BREAD, HOUSING, EDUCATION,
CLOTHING, JUSTICE, PEACE AND PEOPLE'S COMMURITY
CONTROL OF MODERN TECHNOLOGY. When, in the
course of human events, it bacomes necessary
for one people to dissolve the political bonds
which have connected them with another, and ro
assume, among the powers of the earth, the
separate and equal station to which the laws of
nature and nature's God entitle tham, a decent

3
ALl members

FSSPect Lo the opinions of mamkind requires

that they should dsclare the causes which impel
them to the separation.

Wa hold these truths to ba self-evident, chat
all @ien are created equals that they are
wndowed by their Creator with certain
unalisnable rights: that among these are life,
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That 1o
secure these rights, govarnments are instituted
amonj men, deriving their just powers from the
SONSent Of the governed; that, whensver sy
fo1m of government becomes destructive of these
ends, it'is the right of the pacple to elter or
€0 abolish it, and to institute a new
government, laying its foundation on such
principles, and organizing its powers in such
013 45 to them shall seem mosc likely to
©Efect their safety and happiness. Prudence,
indsed, will dictate that governments long
<3tablished should not be changed for light and
transient causes; and, accordingly, all
expsrience hath shown that mankind are most
disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferabls,
than to right themselves by abolishing the
f0ras to which they are accustomed. But, when a
long train of sbuses and usurpation, pursuing
invarlably the same object, evinces a design to
reduce tham under absolute despotism, it is
their right, it is their duty, to throw off
such government, and to provide new guards for
their future security.

=nd potential members must study and memorize

our Ten Peint Pregram and Platform.

ALL POWER TO THE PEOPLE!

Kevin “Rashid” Johnson
Winister of Defense

Chairman

haka Sankofa Zulu
More Thoughts on Amerikan Fascism and Our

Contempory Situation
By Kevin “Rashid" Johnson

V.. Lonin,“Introduction to Marx, Engole, Marxism®

The Fésciat Stats organizes the nation, but It leavbs saffcient scope ko
individuste; it has fimited useless or hermful iberties and has

“Fadciom Is capitallsm in decline.” - V.1, Lenin

mumuww‘mmmwmwbmfimam
and ushered in the Age of Projetarian Revoluion. V... Lenin poined this out n

33
Wmmmdwm,mwmmnmm
Impenaksm Capialam) woud not e coninue © evobe Ll @ was.
mlflfilhw'flhmflfim'—wh
ransaon, or, more precisely & marbund Captale.” or Caplsism in decay, capiaem
foten e for rvcjuon,

Lenin also recognized that in whatever sage of s evokiion, capalism balances o
‘approaches to maintaining s power and corirol over the warking Masses 1) The Camct
ribery and iberal conopssions, and 2) The Sick ~ viokence and repression. in Lenins
words:

nd oppodunism, which revealed isef frst and most doary in England, g ooyt

that cartain foatures ofimpeiaist dovelopment wero abservabi tere much earer
other counmis.”

*-For Fascism, the growth of empir, that is 1 say the expansion o the nation, is an
‘ossental marviesiation of veakty. and s opposi 8 sin of decadence. Pecpies which &
Asing, or ising again afler a period of docadance, r aMays impaviakst and roruncision
s @ 5 of decay and of death. Fascism is the dockine best edapied o raprosent the
fendancias and the aspicasons of @ pecple, o he pecple of kaly, who & rising pgain
altor many caniunies of abasament and forign senvtud. But ampire domands cacping,
tho coornation of al Kores and a doaply ok sanse of duly and sacrie: the fad

many aspects of the pracical warking of e rogime, the characker of many x0ss i the
‘Stals, and the necassarly severe moasures which mus be faken against those who woukd
Ap0se this sparianecus and inewtable movemont of sy in the twendoth cantuy, and
would 0ppose it by recalling the outwom idealogy of the ninetoenth century -

34
repudiatod wherososver thero hes boen the courage fo undertake groat
‘experiments of social and poltical transformation; for never before has the nafion
stood more in need of authorty, of direction and order. If every age has its own
Characterstic doctrine, there & a thousand signs which point fo Fascism as the
Charactetistic doctrine of our me. For if a doctrine must be a living thing, this is
proved by the fact that Fascism has created a fiving falth; and that this fith is very
3. Coporate Power is Protected - The industial and business anstocracy of @
fascist nation often aro the anos who put the govemment Ieaders into powor
businessigovemment i

10. Labor Power is Suppressed - Because the organizing power of labor is the
nly ol threat o & fascist govemment, abor unions ar ether eiminaled antioly,
or ar severely suppressed.
thet.the insttutions of the ninetoenth-cantury free market growth broke down,
‘beyond repair.. The tumultuous passage from the depression of the 19308 to the
total economic mobiization of the 1940s was the watershed in twentieth century
‘caphalism. After that nothing in the macroeconomy would ever be the same; there

was no going back to the ays of a pure, practically unregulated capitalist
‘economic order."

Firity, monopoly arose out of & very high stage of devekopment of the concentration
of production. This refers (o the manopofst capiaist combines, cartols, syndicatos
o usts, We have soen the important part these play In proseri-day economic e,
At the_bagiming of the twonbeth century, monapoles ihad acquied complote
Supramecy in the advenced countres, and although the! first steps fowards the
formation of the cartols were first taken by countries enjoyhg the profoction of high
ity (Germeny, Ameria), Great Brtoi, with her sysiom of fros rade, revoaled the.

‘samie basic phenomenon, only a itk lafer, namel, the birth of monopoly out of the.
‘concentration of production.

“Socondly, monapokes have stimulated the setzure of the modt important sources of raw
metertls, especialy for the basc and most highly carteized industes in capiaist society:

37
the coal and ion industies. The monapoly of the most impartant souoes of raw malerials:
has enarmously increased the power of big capéal, and has sharpanad the antagonism
betwean caralzed and non-cartaized indsty.

et banks in each of the foremost capialst countries have achisved the ‘Dersansl
union" of industrial and hank capial, and have concentraied in thek hands the conrl of
thousands upon thousands of milons which farm the grealer pat of the capial and
income of entite Countries. A financiel okgarchy, which throws a Gose netkark of
depandance miatonshins over all the ecanamic and pokical nsttutons of presantday
‘bourgeais society withold excepbon ~ such is the most srking mandsstaton of this
monapaly.

“Fouihly, monopoly has grown out of cakonial pokcy. To the numerous “okd” motes of
‘oolonkal paliy, finance capital has added the siruggke Kr the soues of raw malarals,
for the export o capia, for *spheres of infuence, e, for spharas for profiabio doais,
cancassions, manqpalist profts and so on, and inaly, for economi: femkry in ganedal
When the colonkas of thy European powers in Afca, for instance, comprised only ane-
fonth of that tormkory (as; was the case in 1676), colonial pokcy was able 1 dovalop by
‘methods other than thase of manapoly-by the e grabbing” of temivies, 30 0 speak.
Bt when nino-teniths of Afica had boen seized (by 1900), whon the wholo word had
been dvided up, there was ineviably ushered in th em of manopoly OwnershD of

‘colories and, consequenty, of partulaty inkense stuggk for the dhisian and the
redvision o the word.

“The extent o which monopokst capial has intansied al the contradictons of capitaksm
i generally known. It s sufficient (o menson the high cost of ing and the tyrany of the
‘cartels. This intensification of contradiations consiulss the most powert diing koo of
the transitonal period of history, which began fram the tme of the inal victory of word
finance capital.

“Monapales, Obgarchy, the siming for dominafion insiead of stiving or ke, the
‘explodation of an increasing number of smal or weak naions by a handd of the fEhest
wmmmmmmwehmum
imperiaksm which compel us o deéne i as parasic or decaying capiaism.

more prominenty thore menpes, as ano of the tandancies of mpadaksm, the croaon of
the "rnder sale,” the usuer stats, in which the bourgeais® 1 an ever NCrBaSing degroe
Ives an the procseds of capital exparts and by “cloping coupans.* i would be & mistake
‘When the Axis Powers made thei bid to conquer Europe and grab up their ivels colordal
possessions, and a the same time to invade and efiemp to conquer the Soviet Union,

he Left umped to unite with their own bourgeoisie, forgetting the ciass stuggle in the
name of @ United Front Against Fasciem.

‘THE CLASS CHARACTER OF FASCISM

“Comradss, fascism in power was comectly described by the Thitsenth Plenum of the
Exacutive Committes of the Communist Infomational 23 the open terrorist dctatorship of
the most réactonary, most chauviniti and most Imperiafist eléments of finance capiii,

‘8ystom of poltcal gengstarism, a system of provocation and forture practised upon the
Workig class nd fhe revouonery elements of the peasantly, the petty bourgecisie and

o intefigentsia. It is medeval barberty and bestahy, & is unbrded agoression in relafon
o othernatons

39
Geman fescism is acting as the spearhead of intemational counter-revolution, as
the chief instigaior of imperiatist war, s the initiator of a crusade against the
Soviet Union, the great fatheriand of the warking peaple of the whole world.

The development of fascism, and the fascist , assume
different forms n different countries, according to historical, soclal and
‘economic canditiona and o the national and the international

coverl fascism. Rather it s an expression of weakness and desperation. So long
as they can, the monopoly capitalists wil mask thei dictatorship and maintain the
illuion of iberal democracy.

Dimitrov had this backwards. The Axis Powers were from the start weaker than
the more established westem imperiatsts, and they were doomed from the start to
lose their bid for world domination, bu few in the communist movement, other
than Mao Tse-tung, couid see this. When ordgred to subordinato the Chinoss Red
Afmy to the natianalist KMT, ha only changed the ammy's name. He never

0
‘extent of competion.
J\chual levets of U.S. commercial concontraion have boen diffcut to measure
8ince the 170, when strong opposttion put an end 1o the Federal

TFewer, targer compettors cominate ail economic activity, and their polfical wil is

oo with the milions of dolas they spend lobbying polticians and funding

policy formutation in the many righ-wing Institutes that now fimit pubilc clscoures
business.
was not worried about fascism when he repealed federal antiust laws that had
been enacted in the 1330s." —

Paul Bigion, (Fascism then Fascism now? Toronto Star, November 27, 2005)

The monopoly Capitalist class is in trouble. Not because the Leftis 50 strong, but
because imperiaiism is moribund capitaiism, and it s in decay from withine£Cl

Dare to Struggle, Dare to Win!

"As a slave, the social phenomenon that engages my whole
consclousness s, of course, the revolution. The slqve. and
the revolution. Born to a premature death, g menial,
subsistence-wage worker, odd-job man, the cleaner, the
canght, the man under hatches, without bailhasr: me,
the colonial victim. Anyone who'can pass the civil seryiee
examination today can kill me tomorrow with complete
immunity. I've lived with repression every moment of my
life, a repression so formidable that any movement o my
purt can only bring relief, the respite of a small victory or
the release of death. In every sense of the torm, i every
tense that's real, I'm a slave 10, and of, propersy,
George Jackson

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